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Tremendous
technological and structural changes in the global economy have been
accompanied by large movements in financial markets. In December
1996, Fed chairman Alan Greenspan described the US stock market as
"irrationally exuberant". At that time the Nasdaq was
sitting at 1,300 and the Dow-Jones index at 6,500. Over the next
three years Nasdaq soared to 5,050 and Dow to 11,720. Sentiment was
buoyant because there was convincing evidence of productivity
improvements that convinced the market fundamental changes were at
work. From time to time Chairman Greenspan reinforced these beliefs
when he highlighted the ongoing productivity gains in the US
economy. The stock market rise was explained as logical responses to
the phenomenal gains from potential winners in the New Economy. But within a
year, the Nasdaq plunged 67% from its peak. Many dot-com companies,
which were trading at astronomical multiples of eyeballs rather than
earnings, have quietly gone bankrupt, adding to the glut of
second-hand computers and servers. Investment banks, which earlier
had to dress down to compete against IT start-ups for bright young
staff, once again have their pick of university graduates. As Robert Rubin,
former US Treasury Secretary, recently explained there is "an
inherent tendency to excess in markets, grounded in the human psyche
and the pulls of fear and greed - an error manifested repeatedly in
recent decades and throughout history". In the wake of
the technology stock bubble, I asked my staff: Were the economic
improvements of the past few years structural or merely cyclical?
Can the US economy sustain higher productivity and higher growth? A minority of my
staff argue that the productivity gains are real, and once inventory
adjustments are over, production and GDP growth will return to a
stronger pace, leading to a V-shaped recovery by second half of
2001. A larger minority
predict an L-shaped protracted slowdown. They argue that during the
bubble, cheap financing caused firms to over-invest, leaving
companies vulnerable with excess capacity and debt obligations, like
Japan and Asia in the 1990s. These will undermine corporate
profitability for a long time. The US has built up large imbalances
in the last 5 years. The personal savings rate has gone negative,
and the current account deficit is 4.6% of GDP. Households had also
borrowed to increase spending, relying on equity market gains that
have now disappeared. As households rebuild savings, consumption
growth will be depressed for years. Historically, a combination of
such imbalances and an asset bubble burst, had nearly always led to
severe economic distress. But the majority
of my staff took the middle view that a U-shaped recovery was the
more likely outcome, but they were not in agreement on how long it
would be before the economy trends up. Undoubtedly there has been a
period of excessively exuberant expectations and sobriety is now
warranted. Nevertheless there has been significant technological and
economic progress together with higher productivity growth and
profitability. The technology
stock bubble burst was necessary to get rid of excesses and provide
a healthy foundation for future growth. Unlike Japan and East Asia
during the recent crisis, the US has both the fiscal and monetary
policy tools to avoid a depression. I adopted the middle view of a
U-shaped recovery and chose a conservative diversified portfolio of
equities, bonds and cash instruments to balance the risks. Since my
deliberations with GIC staff in early April, we have had a smart
recovery in stock prices. From their lows, the New York Dow has
bounced back 17% and the Nasdaq 31%. More significantly, long term
interest rates in the United States have shot up. The 10- year
Treasury bond yield has moved up from 4.76% to 5.37%, despite the
Federal Reserve cutting the Fed Funds rate by another 1% over the
last two months. Some of this may just represent a removal of the
scarcity premium as US tax cuts now seem certain to eat into the
budget surplus. These market developments are signalling investor
expectations of hopes for a U-shaped recovery. We hope that the
markets are right, both for the investment returns of GIC and for
the recovery of the Asian economies. When regional
growth in East Asia is so dependent on technology exports to the US
market, we are more than interested observers. East Asia's
experiences in the past six months made me understand the Mexican
lament "so far from God, so near to the US". Movements on
Wall Street are reflected overnight in most Asian bourses. Like the
near instantaneous adjustment of inventories in the New Economy, the
US slowdown is being delivered to East Asia nearly "just in
time". Regional exports started decelerating in October last
year, a mere two months lag after indicators in the US turned. East Asia has
suffered a second blow because of the fitful recovery in Japan.
Together, US and Japan absorb about one-third of East Asia’s
exports. Indirectly the impact is greater, as much of intra-regional
trade is linked to final demand in either the US or Japan. Asia’s
vulnerability is all the more acute because most countries have not
fully recovered from the financial crisis of 1997. A drawn-out
slowdown in exports would inflict severe pain. Corporate balance
sheet weakness is restraining domestic investment. Furthermore after
heavy pump-priming and bank bail-outs in the last three and a half
years, the scope for increasing government spending is limited. And
the fragility of the region’s banking systems is undermining the
effectiveness of monetary policy in many afflicted countries. Large economies
like China with strong domestic growth momentum will be able to
offset the slack in the export sector, with some help, if necessary,
from increased government spending. The smaller and more open
economies of Singapore and Hong Kong will be more severely affected
by the external slowdown. Its impact can be cushioned, provided the
economies can keep their costs in line and stay competitive
externally. But we do not
expect a calamity like the 1997 meltdown. In that crisis the IMF,
backed by the US Treasury, set out to liberalise the economies of
the affected countries. In Indonesia they also set out to change the
style of governance of President Suharto and end cronyism. In this
clash of wills the president lost and had to resign after riots
broke out. The US then encouraged the democratisation of Indonesia.
Unfortunately, it has led to the unravelling of the national fabric
that held together 210 million people spread over some 17,000
islands. The Indonesians have now found themselves without an
effective central government. What started as a financial crisis has
become a grave issue of national stability and security. But other
Southeast Asian countries have been able to strengthen their
external position because of their strong savings. By cutting back
on excessive investments coupled with support from strong export
growth, most countries have accumulated significant current account
surpluses, rebuilt their foreign exchange reserves and cut their
short-term debt. Most have also abandoned the pegged exchange rate
regimes, which were at the root of the 1997 crisis. I am optimistic
that there will be further technological and productivity
improvements in the US. These improvements will spread to other
economies. Technology companies will recover as will global bourses.
And however daunting structural and political problems are in Japan,
should the technology sector pick up, Japanese corporations have the
technological and production edge to reap the benefits. When this
happens, Asian companies with their natural cost advantages should
thrive again, especially in those countries that have restructured
their banks and corporations, and sorted out their political
problems. Asian stock markets, now severely under-valued by economic
yardsticks, will rebound. The current mood of pessimism will
disperse, and confidence in Asia’s prospects will return. The End
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