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ADDRESS BY
MINISTER MENTOR LEE KUAN YEW AT THE ASIAN STRATEGY AND LEADERSHIP
INSTITUTE’S “WORLD ETHICS AND INTEGRITY FORUM 2005” AT KUALA
LUMPUR ON 28 APRIL 2005
Tan Sri Dato’ Seri
Ahmad Sarji Abdul
Hamid
Ethical Leadership a Competitive Advantage
Technology and globalisation have created a more level playing
field. Because goods and services can be manufactured or produced
anywhere, this has reduced the traditional competitive advantages
of geographic location, climate and natural resources. All
countries can harness information technology and air
transportation and join the global trading community in goods and
services. It helps to close the gap between advantaged and
disadvantaged countries. But one “X” factor remains a key
differentiator, especially for developing countries, that is
ethical leadership. In the Third World a clean, efficient,
rational and predictable government is a competitive advantage.
When
the PAP assumed office in 1959, it set out to be different from
other nationalist parties that led their people’s anti-colonial
struggle, won independence, assumed power but in office soon
enriched themselves. Many freedom fighters when they become
ministers degraded and undermined the institutions of government
that their colonial powers left them. The PAP resolved not to be
softened and weakened by the comforts of office. Our uniform was
white – white shirts, white trousers – for all formal party
occasions. This white symbol of cleanliness has given us a
competitive advantage. We did not know at first that it would
allow us to charge a premium. Investments, especially those with
long amortisation, welcome the predictability and openness we
offered.
The
question is “Can Singapore always remain
clean?”
Corruption eats into any system, regardless of the philosophy or
ideology of the founding father, of the government, or the
location of a country. Even the Communist Party of China and
Communist Party of Vietnam although fired by high ideals, and
determined to clean out the corruption and decadence of existing
regimes have become riddled with corruption after a few decades in
power. When they abandoned their Marxist ideology and central
planning, liberalised their economy to encourage the free market,
the percentage, the grease, the kickback, baksheesh, returned in
great force. This had been the custom for generations, deeply
entrenched in the culture of nearly all Asian societies, as indeed
it was in all western societies in the 17th, 18th
and 19th centuries.
In
China the rot started with the Cultural Revolution, nepotism and
backstabbing for promotions and perks were rampant. Later in 1978
when China liberalised and moved to a market economy, many cadres
felt that they had wasted the best years of their lives and
feverishly set out to make up for the time they had lost pursuing
unattainable heroic standards of purity. This was a time when the
hotel chamber maid would run after you to return your discarded
toothbrush or disposable razor.
I had
noticed this syndrome, an insatiable craving for wealth once they
abandoned their Marxist ideals, in a rebound from idealism and
self-sacrifice. Many of the leading members of Chinese middle
school students’ union and trade unions’ leaders in Singapore,
when they abandoned communism after Barisan
Socialis was defeated, discarded their
high-minded, noble ambitions to sacrifice for the masses and
instead went all out to make up for lost time by getting rich as
quickly as possible.
The
corruption problem in China is immense. In his report the
Secretary of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection,
Wu Guanzheng, reporting to the 5th
Plenary Session in February 2005 said that the Chinese Communist
Party had disciplined 164,832 party cadres in 2004. 11 officials
at provincial or ministerial level were investigated on charges of
corruption. 2,960 officials at or above county level were under
investigation for bribes or misuse of public funds. 345
procurators and 461 judges were convicted and punished for graft.
Vietnam has been through the same syndrome, a decline in morale
and ethical standards after their economic policies failed and
they opened up to foreign investments and freed the market. In the
past ten years until the end of 2004, the Ministry of Public
Security reported 9,454 corruption cases of stealing state
properties worth US$639 million. This they said was only the tip
of the iceberg.
No
political system in any country is immune from corruption. The US
suffered a string of corporate scandals a few years ago - Enron,
WorldCom, Tyco, Health South, Waste Management. They were massive
pilfering and corporate monies, corruption involving the Chairman
and CEO of these high cap companies on the NY SEC. The Enron case
disclosed the complicity of Arthur Andersen, a world renowned
accounting firm in causing losses in the hundreds of billion of US
dollars.
Singapore has been consistently rated as the most transparent
government in Asia by Transparency International based in Berlin.
PERC based in Hong Kong have corroborated this. However do not
believe that Singapore does not have corruption. Corrupt
Practices Investigation Bureau annual reports show just how many
cases of corruption or attempted corruption take place every year,
many that have to be investigated and prosecuted. There were 145
substantial cases last year, 2004 and 175 in 2003. Fortunately
they have not involved the higher echelons of political office
holders or civil service officers.
Singapore had an incipient problem under the British. But under
Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock (1956-59), some ministers were corrupt
and the rot looked like spreading.
When
the present Singapore government took office in 1959, it had a
deep sense of mission to establish a clean and ethical
government. We made ethical and incorruptible leadership a core
issue in our election campaign. It was our counter to the smears
of pro Communist Barisan
Socialis and their unions.
In office, we directed the Corrupt Practices
Investigation Bureau (CPIB), set up by the British in 1952 to deal
with corruption, go for the big takers in the upper echelons. We
also amended the law to put the burden of proof on the defendant
or accused if he/she had more assets than his income as reported
in his income tax returns, from his employment or business could
have given him. He has to disprove the presumption of guilt that
they were gained by corrupt means.
It is
a constant fight to keep the house clean. As long as the core
leadership is clean, any back sliding can be brought under control
and the house cleaned up. What the PAP government cannot ensure is
that if it loses an election, a non-PAP government will remain
honest. Therefore we have installed constitutional safeguards to
meet such an eventuality. We amended the constitution to have the
president popularly elected not by Parliament but by whole
electorate and has a veto power on the
spending of the country’s reserves by the Cabinet. The president
now also has the power to overrule any prime minister who stops or
holds up an investigation for corruption against any of his
ministers or senior officials or himself. The Director of the CPIB
(Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau) has two masters to back
him, the elected prime minister, and if he refuses to move, the
elected president, who can act independently of the elected prime
minister, to order that investigations proceed. The president also
has the veto on appointments to important positions like the Chief
Justice, Chief of Defence Force, Commissioner of Police, the
Attorney General, Auditor General and other key positions that
uphold the integrity of the institutions of government. They are
key officers, essential for the government to function without
being subverted.
During
a PAP government, the two-key system will guard against any PAP
prime minister and Cabinet who overspend for political ends or a
PM unwilling to act against a political colleague. The president
then steps in and acts. If there is a non-PAP government and
prime minister, the Director of the CPIB will be protected by the
president from being subverted or undermined, otherwise the
safeguards will not work. Then if in the next elections a PAP
government were to be returned to office, it can clean up the
system again.
If
Singapore has the misfortune to elect a sharp but crooked group of
politicians who can win two elections in a row, I fear they will
be able to get their candidate elected as the successor president
and thereby subvert the constitutional safeguards.
Corruption is incipient in every society and must be continuously
purged. Once corruption has set in, it is not possible to wipe it
out quickly. To kill it at one stroke you need a revolution, like
when the CCP pushed out a corrupt and demoralised Nationalist
government in October 1949. The old officials and their retinue
were looting before they fled. The communists conducted
widespread executions of officials who did not get away. They had
show trials, with the masses acting as judges of those whom they
accused of having exploited the farmers or workers. But within
two decades, these zealous revolutionaries themselves became
corrupt. It started with the Cultural Revolution in 1966.
Because money could not buy them any goods, it was rank that they
fought for, through corruption to gain promotions. Once China
opened up and started a free market, many decided that they had
wasted their best years under the slogan of sacrifice for the
people and hurried to make up for lost time. But now that it has
become widespread, as in China and Vietnam, to clean up is an
arduous battle.
However when the core leadership is clean, corruption can be
gradually diminished. Both must be prepared to take on the big
ones in the highest echelons of the government. This is most
painful to do as I know from experience.
Wee
Toon Boon was minister of state in the
Singapore ministry of the environment in 1975 when he took a free
trip to Indonesia for himself and his family members, paid for by
a housing developer. He also accepted a bungalow worth S$500,000
from this developer. He had been a loyal non-communist trade
union leader and my staunch supporter from the 1950s. It was
painful to have him charged, convicted and sentenced to four years
and six months in jail.
In
November 1985 one of Teh
Cheang Wan’s
(Minister for National Development) old associates told the CPIB
that he had given Teh two cash
payments of S$400,000 each in 1981 and 1982, to allow a
development company to retain part of its land which had been
earmarked for compulsory government acquisition, and to assist the
developer in the purchase of state land. Teh
denied receiving the money. He tried to bargain with the senior
assistant director of the CPIB for the case not to be pursued. The
cabinet secretary reported this and said Teh
had asked to see me. I told the Cabinet Secretary that I could
not see him until the investigations were over. A week later, on
the morning of 15 December 1986, my security officer reported that
Teh had died and left me a letter:
Prime Minister
I
have been feeling very sad and depressed for the last two weeks. I
feel responsible for the occurrence of this unfortunate incident
and I feel I should accept full responsibility. As an honourable
oriental gentleman I feel it is only right that I should pay the
highest penalty for my mistake.
Yours
faithfully,
Teh
Cheang Wan
Teh
preferred to take his life rather than face disgrace and
ostracism. I never understood why he took this S$800,000. He was
an able and resourceful architect and could have made many
millions honestly in private practice.
Corruption has to be eradicated at all levels of government. But
if there is corruption at highest levels of a government, the
problem can become intractable. To clean up may require some key
members of the core leadership to be removed. In the case of
communist countries that would lead to a split in the party
leadership, a serious problem. The outcome depends upon whether
the top leader is strong enough to tackle other powerful leaders
without a disastrous split in the political leadership or a
rebellion among party stalwarts who support the offending leader.
The fear of a collapse of the government may cause the leader to
hold his hand.
An
important factor is the salary of Ministers and government
officials. They have enormous powers to grant or deny permits that
can make or break businesses. When ministers and senior civil
servants are paid salaries that are derisory compared to those of
their counterparts in the private sector, officials and ministers
will be tempted to take gifts. Whether it is policemen,
immigration officers, customs officers or officers in charge of
dispensing licences, it is dangerous to have them grossly
underpaid. Over the last 40 years, Singapore has moved towards
paying political and civil service officers 70-80% of what their
equivalents are earning in the private sector, the formula is
based on an average of 6 professions, their salaried incomes based
on the income tax returns. This has enabled ministers and
officials to live according to their station in society without
extra sources of illicit income.
Singapore has to keep fighting corruption wherever it exists and
however difficult it may be politically. The system works because
everyone knows the Singapore government is prepared to act against
the most powerful in the land.
In
1995 Prime Minister Goh
Chok Tong ordered an investigation
into purchases of two properties each made by my wife on my behalf
and by my son Lee Hsien
Loong, then deputy prime minister.
The developer had given them unsolicited 5–7 per cent discounts on
these purchases, as he had given to 5–10 per cent of his buyers at
a soft launch to test the market. Because my brother was a
non-executive director of the company, a rumour went around that
my son and I had gained an unfair advantage. The Monetary
Authority of Singapore investigated the matter and reported to
Prime Minister Goh
Chok Tong that there was nothing
improper.
Nevertheless I asked the prime minister to take the matter to
Parliament. In the debate, opposition MPs, including two lawyers,
one a leader of the opposition, said that such discounts were
standard marketing practice and was not improper. This open
debate made it a non-issue in the general elections a year later.
Leaders must be prepared for such scrutiny to keep the system
clean.
We
have to keep our own house clean. No one else can do it for us.
Source:
Singapore Government Press Release
28 Apr 2005
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